Saturday, May 24, 2008

Stranded "whales" in Senegal

81 pilot whales (which are really dolphins), stranded in Yoff, 48 get rescued by fishermen in dugouts. The others die and are hauled off by marine biologists [wishing to study them], people with skin problems [wishing to use the blubber as skin oil], and people supposedly wanting to eat them.


From the Article:

Local experts said a similar mass beaching of whales had occurred at the same spot some 30 years ago. Some residents had fallen ill after eating meat from the dead whales.

They had no precise explanation for the mass stranding.

"It's like a collective suicide. Even when you push them out, they still keep coming back," said Ali Haidar, president of the Oceanium marine conservation organization in Dakar.

More here and here.



Sunday, May 11, 2008

Capleton Concert at Independence Stadium

An ambulance worker stood next to me at the Capleton Concert last night. We stood in the back, separated from the hordes of screaming, fist-pumping reggae fans, against a wall and in the shade of the building's overhang. I recognized him by the label on his shirt: "Sussex Ambulance Service", and the fact that he stood stiffly (at least at first), hands behind his back, stomach bulging straight ahead, back straight, head up and looking out at the crowd. I imagined him rushing to the aid of anyone who fainted, catching them before they reached the ground and rushing with them to the ambulance parked out front, clearing the crowd that would gather with shouts of "Clear the way now! Sick person coming through!".

The ticket lines were not as long as at the Morgan concert, probably due to better planning: tickets were sold before the event, and people were strongly encouraged to buy these pre-event tickets by setting their prices lower. So this time we got in as soon as we arrived, no hassle or climbing over walls. Before Capleton got on stage there was the usual warming up, this time with Pisces and One Tribe sound [who played some really good DJ sets, segueing from
reggae to dancehall to rap and back without a hitch, until everyone in the stands was on their feet and swaying to the music. Towards the end they played a mix of 2Pac songs, ten seconds of each, which you wouldn't think would work in the context but which actually came out sounding really well, and having me want to dig out my old 2Pac mp3s when I got home].

Then Caple himself arrived in a Hummer, with a whole guard of cars and soldiers running ahead of him, at around 1am. They circled the stadium a couple of times (you could see him in red in the front of the Hummer) before they finally packed and he got out, waving like a politician at the crowd. Everyone who was up in the stands came climbing down and onto the grass. Clouds of marijuana-smoke flew up into the air and circled the stadium. A local Gambian musician got onstage and performed a song.

If you've never heard Capleton perform, it sounds kind of like a mix between reggae and heavy metal. The reggae part: exhortations to kill homosexuals (or, at least, shame them into "changing"), claims that Jah is most high, exhortations to "burn Babylan", more claims that Jah is most high, etc. The heavy metal part: lots of screaming and jumping up and down on stage, and pumping hands into the air. He's a powerful performer on stage though, and sometimes his voice reaches such extreme levels you fear for his throat, and then right the next moment he is crooning info the mic, wishing he could hold his lover in his arms and promising her the world.

Caple's band came on first, playing a long instrumental piece that sounded like it had jazz relatives in the family. After it was done, Caple came on, in his signature all-reds, asking the crowd to lift their lighters into the air and wave them (proof that we had fire, proof that we will burn all that is not good, when the time comes). The ambulance worker stood still through all this. Then Caple went backstage and changed into kakis and a Jamaican flag headwrap, screaming as he came back onstage "Now I'm On! Now! I'm! Fucking! Onnnn!". The crowd wailed , and sang with him, waving their lighters in rhythm. The ambulance worker started swaying gently with the crowd, timing it so at the end-point of every sway he would lift his head a bit more and peer into the distance, like he was just doing his work, you know, trying to see if anyone in the crowd had fallen down or something. All fresh air had left the stadium by this stage - everyone was soaked in a living, breathing mass of marijuana smoke. Then Caple got even more worked up, running up and down the stage, telling the crowd he couldn't hear them (even though they could probably be heard all the way in Banjul). They screamed, they held each other, they waved lighters and joints and mobile phones in the air. The ambulance guy abandoned all pretense, and with a triple-hop jump timed with Capleton's own onstage he became part of the crowd, screaming "Burn Baby-Lan!" and pumping his hands into the air with the best of them.

At about 4am Caple made the first announcement that this would the last song, and he had to leave so he could get some sleep for his performance tonight. But he couldn't seem to get offstage - an hour later he was still performing song after song, preceding each one with the same "So this is the last one - goodnight!". Finally at around 5am a para went onstage and gave him a note, and at the end of the song he was performing he just simply stepped off stage and walked away. [Ambulance guy was gone by this time, lost in the milling crowd].

In the end it was a much better show than the Morgan one, though it didn't last as long.

Wednesday, May 7, 2008

The Invisible Hands of the Gambian Commerce

Opposite the Mosque on Independence Drive, outside the building that houses the Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Employment, there sits a cobbler. Watch, as he deftly inserts a long needle trailing its thread into the side of a leather shoe, and then carefully pulls it out the other side. Around him and on the ground are a pile of such shoes, mouths wide open, waiting to be mended. There is also the other cruft of his trade: the leather patches and sole replacements, the long needles which he uses, spools of (predominantly black and white) thread, tins of polish and brushes. He is a permanent fixture here, like the old men who sit on the other side of the road, Men of the Mosque awaiting the muezzin's call to the next prayer. He is very good at what he does - he will fix a gaping sole to make you swear it is fresh from the factory. He sits with a cloth spread over his lap - it is on this that he places his work. And whilst he works, whilst you wait for him to finish, like all the best tradesmen, he is full of stories, to hold your interest, and make the work seem faster.

Down the road, walking towards the Arch (and, beyond it, the Sea) there is a shop, a local bitik. Outside it a Fula woman, her skin fair, who sits frying pancakes for sale. Around her run her children, two small boys recognizable instantly as hers, by the look of their faces: flat at the sides, triangular almost in appearance, tapering towards the top. Her pancakes are popular with passersby, a brief repast between meals, still hot and drenched in oil, a spoonful of hot sauce added to the top before eating. The children are twins, identical, though it is easy to distinguish between them: one is the crueler, always subjecting the other - the submissive, the perpetual victim - to the most painful contortions of limb and body, so he screams in pain. She will intercede, and stop him, but there are the pancakes to watch. She cannot do it all, at once - the children will learn to fend on their own. They run the streets of Banjul wild, giving as good as they get from the local kids. When the
bitik-keeper goes inside to eat, or to pray, she watches the bitik for him, looking up every few moments from raking the pancakes through the hissing oil, and behind her to see if anyone has entered the bitik.

This particular
bitik-keeper's family has been here since his father was a young man, and came over from Guinea. He brought his wife, and they stayed, and had children. Soon he became as much a part of this area of the City as any resident, coming to know everyone. There are four other bitiks now, within walking distance of his - but he was here first, and there is a generation - the ones who were young men and women of able body when he first opened up shop - who will still only buy from him, only trusting him, though the others have identical wares. They will go to other shops, when he is closed, but there is none of the familiarity they display in his, the gentle unburdening of complaints and grievances - about their grandchildren and their failing bodies - whilst he sees to their needs. He is an old man now, and his children are grown up - it is their turn to run the shop, something they have been groomed for since they were knee-high, calculating change behind the counter whilst their father took a break to pray, or to sleep, so he could keep shop in the night.

Our cobbler ran away from home when he was but a child, barely a teenager. By his telling it was a great adventure. There is a quiet pride in his tale, this his story of redemption that he will tell anyone who will listen, of liberation from his Quranic teachers from whom he fled repeatedly, and his father who whipped him each time and sent him back when he at last got home, breathless and elated. This went on and on until the father tired of it, and calling all the family together washed his hands of him in public, and left him to his own Fate. All the years in the City have removed any illusions he may have had about urban life, and he speaks of his home and his father, if not with sentimentality, at least without accusation, or shame, or any lingering bitterness. He speaks of them merely as one would speak of the weather, or the state of the country, or of other things one cannot change - without rancor, testing at the same time with a free hand the strength of the thread he just inserted, whether it will hold its leather on the rough roads of Banjul. - Futa, he says, is bigger than Gambia, in its entirety. There are parts of it in Senegal, in Mali, even in Bissau. He spreads apart his palms to show the largeness of it with the space thus created, opening his eyes wide to add to the effect. He has a habit of blinking his eyes more often during pauses in his speech, an act which accentuates his long, feminine eyelashes.

In Banjul alone there are hundreds of
bitiks, small one-man shops that sell everything from soap to bread. The majority of these are run by Guinean Pulaars. Within my street block alone there are three, all within two minutes of each other. To open a bitik you need first to rent a large room, empty, devoid of furnishings. Down the center of this room you will have a carpenter create a custom wooden partition, which has on one side wooden ledges nailed across it (these will be for holding your stock), and on the other side is smooth and empty, like a wall. The partition is then set up across the center of the room, neatly dividing it in half (and leaving space, of course, for passage between the two halves). One half of the room is your new shop, and the remaining space will be your bedroom, where you and your family will sleep (hence the wall). A wire will be put up between the end of the partition and the wall directly opposite it, and on this wire a curtain will be strung, creating privacy in your bedroom, from the prying eyes of your (future) clientele. Finally, for security, you will need a large metal door, with two bars crossed over the front when it closes, held in place by stiff, unyielding padlocks.

In the
bitik opposite my house (the one I would traditionally call "my bitik") the bitik-keeper lives with his wife, and younger brother. He is teaching his brother - who recently arrived from Guinea - the local money, and how to make change in it. Also: how to be polite to customers, and call them "boss", so they keep coming back; how to measure oil, or vinegar, or bleach, into a container; how to wrap amphora, the little hand-rolled cigarette which are so popular with the youth. His brother is a bit slow, and sometimes, when the day is particularly hot, the bitik-keeper yells at him. Eventually he will leave the bitik to him, perhaps opening a new one in another part of the City, perhaps going back to Guinea for a while, to be with his extended family again. His wife is pregnant, and daily he watches her with concern as she lies in the back-room, looking up at the ceiling, or sitting at the door to the bitik, leaning over the gutter now and again to spit (her spit trails lines of sadness, I imagine, being discharged by her body: I have never seen her smile).

If Globalization is a world religion, then the
bitik-keepers are the local priests of an arcane sect within it. Bitiks are packed to the ceiling with cartons and cartons of goods, from all over the world: the blue of packets of Freedom menstrual pads, the yellow of Cerelac tins. Peak Milk and Omela, vying for the faithful's purchase. Sardines and canned beef from Brazil, toothpaste from India, slippers from Senegal, shaving razors with advertising copy written in exotic Arabic script on their packets. And the more immediate domestic needs of the stay-at-home women: oil, and vinegar, and rice, and sugar, all measured out by the cup- or tin-ful. The view of him obscured by a fly's eye barricade of metal mesh with large holes in it and a small wooden door set in the middle to admit payment and pass out goods - a simple but effective security system - the bitik-keeper-priest stands behind a counter, waiting for clients. And they come - in the morning to buy fresh bread, and akara and mayonnaise, and teabags and the other foods of breakfast. Soft drinks, at lunch time, and water. Maggi and Mayonnaise, Ketchup and Mustard. There are brands which are staple, and have been around forever, so that the brand name comes to be a synonym for the product type - Freedom, Peak (and, to a lesser extent, Omela), Moon Tigers (in the latter case the brand name far outlasting the product). And there are others which change every few months, to be replaced by new brands purporting to be of better quality and less price (remember Loppy, Jumkin, Davida, Foster Clarke's - all at one point or another the concentrated juice powder of choice for the discerning Gambian household).

Outside the sun is hot [the Gambian sun is never anything else but hot, which makes it seem surprising that there are not more synonyms to describe the hot-ness of the sun, in the local languages. Surprising, that is, until you come to live under it: then you understand: this particular display of heat defies the attempts of language to describe it, not because it is too nuanced, too strange, but because it is what it is, and nothing more. The sun is hot - what more is there to say?]. Just inside the Ministry of Trade is a conveniently located tree, which grows up snuggled against the metal railings, so the shade it projects shields the cobbler from the sun. This is how he can sit here the whole afternoon, and not be driven to conclude his business and hastily flee indoors, like everyone else. He has a small stool, on which he sits. Next to this is a four-person wooden bench, for his clients. - My friend said to me, get this amount of money, let us leave at this time, and go to this place, where we can take a bus. The money I got from my mother's purse, and the time by sleeping outside of my house that night so I would not be missed, and we met at the agreed place early the next morning. The cobbler's hands as he speaks seem to be detached from his narrative, their action automatic and removed from the conversation: testing the leather siding of the shoe, holding the needle poised over it, pressing - just so! - to lead the black thread into the leather, the needle's thin silver head emerging on the other side. - On the bus the driver would not take us because we were too young. Then he would not take us because we did not have enough money. We begged and lied and pleaded with him, until he, impatient to depart, let us board. When people pass he raises a hand to greet them, and asks about their family, and does this and resumes the story so seamlessly it is as if the greetings are part of the telling. He seems to know everyone, asking after their homes and ailments, drawing smiles from the most dour of faces.

The large warehouses, the importer's stores, are near the Port. It is here that the goods come from the Port, when they have arrived from other countries - and it is here that the local shopkeepers come once a week, to order what they need. To stretch our Globalization-as-religion analogy a bit farther, this is their Mecca, or their Rome. Keeping a bitik is a delicate balancing act, keeping in your mind at all times track of stock levels, and what needs to be replenished. What sells, and what does not - what to get more of, because demand outweighs the supply you have in stock, and exactly how much of it to get so as not to end up with an unneeded surplus, slowly deteriorating, until it expires and you have to throw it out. In addition you must possess an almost uncanny ability to gauge the public mood, to predict what will be in demand next, what particular chocolate the kids will buy, and keep buying.

The Pulaar are present in almost every country in Africa, from Senegal to the Sudan. You will find them in Nigeria, Togo, Burkina Faso, Benin and Mali. In each of these countries they are a minority, but one which has learnt the local languages and the ways of the indigenous culture - whilst never losing their own - integrating so well that they become the most successful small traders, all the while with their minds left behind, at home: Guinea. [this phrase - "mind left behind" - borrowed from the Wollof, very useful in describing the condition of not merely remembering the place you were born in, but going beyond this, as if you had left your mind behind when you left, so now even as you wander the Earth your mind is at home, calling out to you to return].


In traditional Pulaar culture, the cow is an animal of great importance. It is a measure of wealth and status, and a source of meat, and milk. Cows were handed down from generation to generation, and also used for dowries. Sometimes, in a car on the Banjul highway, one will pass a Peul herder leading a long line of cows, majestic (or perhaps merely stupid?) animals which will not increase their speed for any man or machine, and for which traffic will have to stop until they have passed.

The
bitik keeper plays many roles. There is a drawer, where he keeps his money - he is the cashier and accountant. Behind the drawer, in plain sight, often as not there can be found a catapult or other similar weapon, warning would-be thieves - he is the day watchman. He sleeps in the bitik at night, in the partitioned area in the back with his ears cocked for any sound that will draw him from his sleep and rising reach for the catapult - he is the night-watchman. His family sleep with him in the tiny back room, his wife and the little children. When he goes out, or takes a nap in the afternoon his wife runs the shop in his absence. And when he is old his children will take over from him, or other family members from Guinea will arrive, to pick up where he will leave off. It would be easy to draw parallels between the keeping of cows, and the keeping of bitiks - the steadfastness and labor which must go into each enterprise, the handing down of property from father to son, from brother to brother.


When I was a kid there was a bitik next to my house where I spent my days. The bitik-keeper - whose name was Amadou - was the funniest adult I knew, and he never said a harsh word, or got angry. He wore netted undershirts, his skin showing through the holes in them, a different color everyday. He kept me entertained with a long line of jokes and pranks (including the "fake knife" trick, which involves showing someone a knife, moving the knife behind their back, and then sticking your little finger held straight and rigid into their back so they believe it is the knife. To my young mind this was the epitome of all practical jokes. I terrorized my screaming little sisters with this trick for months before they finally caught on). And in return I was loyal to him: what little pocket money I had I spent at his shop, buying sweets ("kebba damfaa", "minti bu nyuul" and even, in my times of greater bounty - such as during Tobaski - "condem mlik"). My favorite joke was when he pretended to be an old Chinese Kung Fu master, showing me silly karate moves which had me in convulsions. He also made really good omelette sandwiches - everyday at break-time high school students would come to his shop, and he'd be kept busy for an hour frying, slicing, mayonais-ing, ketchup-ing, and cracking them up with his witty insights.

Any other cobbler would have finished fixing the shoe by now, a silent, efficient job to be paid for and forgotten. But not him: his work is tied to his narrative - one cannot come to an end without the other. In this way, in later days, when you look at the shoe as you apply polish to it in the morning it will bring to mind his tale, and a rueful smile. - We traveled for many hours on the bus, he says - the needle the bus, the thread the passengers - and at last we came to a place where the driver told us we could all get off, for food, and to pray. We went into a canteen, my friend and I, and bought one bowl of rice which we shared - even this seemed too great an expense. The needle has emerged now, at the other end of the shoe, and he holds it between finger and thumb, motioning with it as he speaks. His eyes glimmer for a moment, a laugh passing through them, and he smiles. - We did not feel full - far from it - but we knew we had to save our money. We did not know what awaited us in Dakar. After we were done we asked the canteen keeper if he would give us water. But he had run out - all he had were drinks, for sale. He laughs, out loud this time. - Drinks! As if we had money to throw around. So I went in the back of the canteen, and taking up an ablution kettle I put it to my mouth, drinking deeply. - But that is for performing the ablution!, my friend exclaimed. - Is it not good water? Will it not satiate our taste?, I asked him. I held it out, and he took it from me, and drank as I had, until the water ran down his chin. And we both laughed, and went back to the bus.

Not all Peul who come to the country choose to keep
bitiks. Becoming a seller of oranges requires less up-front investment: one only needs a wheelbarrow and a pen-knife, and also some small capital to buy the first wheelbarrow-full of the fruit. With a little extra money, you can also get a radio, which keeps you company during the long hours at the side of the road - it is a slow trade, and one which requires patience. A wheelbarrow is like a poor-man's bitik, with the added advantage that you can move around with it, be completely mobile and not tied to one place. An orange costs only a few dalasis - it is probably the least expensive fruit in the Gambia. There are orange wheelbarrows everywhere you go, usually by the sides of roads, manned by old Guineans and young, waiting for thirsty passersby. Sometimes they are all in a row, accepting competition and a decrease in overall sales for companionship.

There are two main schools of orange peeling. The first, the "chip" (imagine an artist chipping away at a wood block) is carried out by holding the golden (or dark green, as it were) orange in one hand, and chipping away at it with a pen-knife with the other, until the white nakedness of the orange's true self is revealed. The chip works away at the sides - afterwards there will be some peel left on the top and bottom of the orange - these must be cut away with the penknife. By the end of it the orange peel is reduced to a collection of short, thin slices. This is the chip method's main difference with the method of the second school of orange peeling: the twirl (a.k.a "the 360", a.k.a. "the snake"). The twirl begins by setting the orange against one edge of a sharp penknife. Then, whilst the penknife is held firmly in position with one hand (one may wrap a handkerchief around one's pen-knife hand, if one's palms have a propensity to sweatiness), the other hand rotates the orange, at the same time moving it up the length of the blade. This movement sheds the skin of the orange, exposing the white and creating a long, unbroken peel. It is a beautiful technique, when done right - it is also one that requires more practice than the chip. (Do not confuse the twirl with the "faux twirl", a third technique which can be carried out by just about anyone, and which is what most people use when they peel an orange: moving the penknife across the surface of the orange, instead of the orange across the blade. The faux twirl can also create unbroken orange peels - these are not, however, works of art, but merely cheap imitations, children at play with paint and canvas in contrast with the work of a true surrealist). The wheelbarrow serves another purpose - gathering the orange peelings. These are sold off to Senegalese, who take them across the border and sell them to exporters, who send them off to Europe and America. Dried orange peels can also be used as kindling for lighting fires.

My
bitik-keeper is reading the Quran, sitting on a bench behind the counter, when I go into the bitik. - How is the family?, he asks me, getting up. In recent months we have gotten friendlier, exchanging pleasantries, even the occasional joke (or rather: I have become more receptive to his attempts to exchange pleasantries, not choosing to see so much behind his courteousness a thinly veiled attempt to sell me things I do not need). - All is well, I reply. - Good, he says, and tell your father that my wife has delivered. On Monday. - That is good, I remember to say, what was it? - A boy, he replies, smiling at me. I nod. He looks gaunt, and lacking of sleep, as if it was he who had delivered new life. His time here is almost done. Soon he too will be gone. His brother - the heir apparent - is nowhere in sight. Perhaps he is at the hospital with the new mother. His sister washes clothes in a plastic tub by the side of the gutter, wringing them with both hands, turning the black surface of the gutter white with soap suds.

On the day of the naming ceremony all the
bitik-keepers and their wives from the neighborhood come. The mother is dressed in bright colors, and holds the new baby in her arms, wrapped up in soft, white cloth, so that only its pink face is visible, curled into a toothless yawn; the father in a plain purple kaftaan, moving amongst the guests, being of service to them. The ceremony is held in the main house that the bitik is an appendix of, a concession from the landlady, so it would not have to be held out on the street. The new baby is shaved and given a new name - Muhammad - and there is much joy and laughter. A small goat is killed. Everyone converses loudly and freely in Peul, and a modest lunch is cooked and served, with drinks. Afterwards when everyone else is gone, the new mother sits with her in-laws outside the shop, all still dressed up, watching as her husband's sister stirs something cooking in a pot on a charcoal stove set on one of the heavy stone covers of the gutter. The baby is passed around, and everyone exclaims over it, and makes silly-baby-sounds, and funny faces.

- And at last we reached Dakar, the cobbler says, his pace of work increasing - the fixing of the shoe is almost done now. - And there, waiting for us, was the greatest challenge we had faced yet. A man, from my family home in Futa, recognized us as we got off the bus. His eyes widen, his hands are held suspended over the shoe. He stops speaking for a moment, looking up, a simulation of the terror he felt then in his face now. - He grabbed us by the collars, and asked what we were doing so far from home, on our own. I did not know what to say! Finally I blurted out a story about how we were with our father. Your father?, he asked me, Then take me to him. He let go of my collar - and my friend's - and without a word to each other we both ran off as fast as our feet would carry us into the crowd, his angry shouts behind us.

One day I go to the
bitik, and the bitik-keeper is not there. It is his sister who sells me the mints I came for, whilst her brother makes another customer an omelette sandwich for dinner. I don't ask them where he and his wife have gone. Perhaps they will be back, in a few days, appearing behind the counter and calling me boss like they had never left. Sitting at the door to the shop is a new Peul I have not seen here before. He wears a Barcelona T-shirt, and a cap turned sideways. Leaning against the bench next to him is a large wooden display case, stacked full of DVDs in plastic jackets, with lurid cover images. "DOLPH vs RAMBO: The Best of the Fight". "LOST Season 3 (ALL COMPLETE)". "BEST OF WESTERN ROMANCE (42-IN-1)". - How much are these for?, I ask him. - Which one do you want? I point at one at random (on the cover, 50 Cent, and a promise to hear the "Best America Music Ever"). - Hundred, he says, in a tone that tells me he will sell it to me for fifty.


Whilst the bitiks are run by older Peuls and their families, the younger ones mostly take to the streets, selling oranges and shirts, cigarrettes and matches and mints, and, lately, DVDs. These days you can buy any movie you want for a D100, barely a month after it is out in cinemas. The quality is bad (what else would you expect, cramming 42 movies unto one DVD), the cover designs lurid and outrageous (and obviously of Asian influence), but do not belittle these pirates: they are the first (and only) front in Hollywood's local battle against the other -woods, especially Nollywood, which has grown exponentially in the last few years, with a Nigerian Movie rental shop in every major town in the country, and whole households staying up all night on Nigerian Movie-thons. Without them the Nigerian movie could very well replace the American movie as the escape fantasy medium of choice, and then what would happen to the myth of the white man as eternally strong and invincible, in a war able to destroy whole countries alone and without any external aid, walking away with only a few minor bruises and a background theme song?



Sometimes, the janitor from the mosque comes across the road and sits on the cobbler's bench. The cobbler makes him attaya, and they drink, and speak. He does this now, crossing the road with his kaftan waving behind him, taken off in the heat and left to hang on a window of the mosque. The mosque has a long and dignified history, stretching back to colonial times - and now it is being expanded, a golden dome added to the top. The janitor is covered in cement, from the work inside. He sits, and looks at the traffic - he has heard the cobbler's story of origin a hundred times. - We spent almost a year in Dakar, and slowly I learnt the trade of the shoe, how to polish, how to repair. Every month I took a little for my food, and my board, and the rest I kept in a tin can. And then at last we decided to go home, to visit. He stops work (which is almost completed, anyway) for a moment, holding the shoe aloft, a grin showing his teeth, large and white. - We bought presents for everyone. You should have seen me, in a new pair of jeans, fresh from the city - everyone had so many questions. And my mother! He stops, and his grin does the rest of the work of describing the home coming, the excitement, the happiness, his eyes contain a memory of tears shed, perhaps on the occasion, perhaps in his first re-telling of it. Even the disinterested janitor turns to smile at him. And what better ending for a story, even if in real life the story went on, and is still going on, sitting out here on the road repairing shoes for strangers and missing his mind where he left it, in Futa? Knowing when to stop, to create an ending - this is the mark of every good storyteller.


Almost eight years later, when I was in high school, I met Amadou again. It was on the street, and we both recognized each other. - How you have grown, he said - he was exactly the same, down to the trademark netted under-shirt he always wore. He asked a few questions - I was in a rush, or unable to speak, to ask him where he was, or what he did now. The conversation went nowhere, was only his smiles and my nods. After a while he shook my hand with a final smile, and walked away. I haven't seen him since.

Sunday, April 20, 2008

Notes from TV Land: An Evening Spent Watching GRTS

You can tell a lot about a country by what they show on their National TV,
- Source Unknown

Hour 1: There are a group of children on TV. They are standing in neat rows, looking straight into the camera, backs straight (probably a teacher-enforced rule: occassionally one of them slumps, before looking at someone or something beyond the camera and hurriedly correcting their posture). A mic is set in front of the rows of children - at what we can only assume is a pre-agreed signal, one of the children comes forward, and stands in front of the mic. Slowly, lifting both hands into the air, he starts to sing, bringing the hands now together, now apart, in time with his song. "Baa...Baa...Black....Sheep", he sings elegiacally (for lack of a better word), pausing significantly after each word. There is an expression of deep thought on his face, which when we look closer seems to contain his whole life story: here is a kid who probably tops the class every year, and is teacher's pet in all the classes, and gets elected to become class prefect without fail every term. We can see in his frown and the seriousness with which he takes himself a tattle-tale, a kid the other kids pick on, at break-time, and who goes running off to tell the teachers and earn the other kids a caning. We can see this also in the lines of deep antagonism in his brow. Offsetting this, we can hear, in the mournfulness of his voice, and the sad echo of his clapping hand-swings, that he would give it all up - the teachers' love, the top grades in class - to become one of the gang, to be allowed to play football with the other kids at breaktime.

He stops singing at this point, and we realize he has come to the end of the first line (the one ending "yes, sir, yes, sir, three...bags...foo"). He pauses, hands raised in mid-clap and soon we know why: it is to give the others - the ones standing in would-be-neat rows behind him - to repeat his song, in varying levels of mournfulness, synchronising their claps. He studiously waits for them to finish, looking straight into the camera all the while (as if waiting for you to break a school rule so he can run off and tell teacher). They, too, come to the end of the first line, and he picks up again, at last finding his stride, his voice settling in and even developing a few extra chords, high notes which were not present in the first line, variations on the basic "baa baa black sheep" melody, signs of his rapidly-increasing confidence. "One....fooor....my....maaaastaaah....", he sings hoarsely, dragging out the words, and when he finishes that line the chorus again picks up, repeating him word for word, vowel-drag for vowel-drag.

There is a screen transition, the diagonal wipe from the top so beloved of bad Powerpoint slide-showers, and the whole scene is replaced by a new one. It is the same group of kids, though now the person who was leading (the studious most-probably-a-prefect most-probably-only-wants-to-be-loved kid) is nowhere in si...oh wait - there he is, in the back-row, behind the tall girl with the blue bow in her hair. His place has been taken by a new kid, who appears to be telling a joke in Pulaar. This new kid seems completely different from the first one, as far as life histories are concerned (or at least, life-histories-as-can-be-read-in-the-faces-of-people, in as much as that is an inexact science): there is a smile trying to escape his mouth via his left cheek, he is a bit taller, he seems to be glowing (as compared to the other kid, and for lack of a better term), and, on the whole, he seems to be a whole lot happier: doing middling to well in class, but also getting along well with his buddies (and, as far as the first kid is concerned, probably not jumping in and bullying him with the other kids on the playground, but also probably not actively trying to get them to lay off either). This new kid pauses every few seconds, and the other kids behind him make various forced-sounding throat laughs, before he continues. At the end of his story they do the throat-laugh thing again, but for longer and showing considerably more teeth, giving the impression that perhaps they are really laughing this time, even.

Hour 2: There's a woman. She is advertising some form of bottled water. You are drawn to her mouth, and the movement of her lips - even when she is not on-screen you can still see those lips in your mind's eye, the way she keeps talking nonstop, on and on and on and on. And on. And on. She is advertising a new kind of attaya, claiming it is healthy, and genuine (you don't know what this means: genuine attaya). Her partner is a tall man with an Adam's apple that bobs up and down as he talks. The ad sticks to the usual person-with-problem-meets-person-with-solution (PWPMPWS) pattern, the man with the Adam's apple being the PWP, and the woman the PWS. The ad ends.

A new ad: the same woman again. This time she is advertising bottled water. It is the same pattern as the last ad (again with the guy with the Adam's apple), though this time the woman concentrates more on the healthy aspects of the water. She takes us on a tour of the water factory, ending it with a scientist in a white lab coat holding up a meter - the camera zooms in on illegible markings on the meter, which she assures us means the water's the healthiest you could get anywhere. The scientist's expression stays neutral all through her presentation, an anti-life-story-as-read-in-people's-faces measure. Finally there is a shot of her and Adam's-apple-man on the street, each carrying a bag full of plastic water bottles (of the brand in question, obviously), singing happily, clapping and dancing. The ad ends.

A new ad: again the same woman. She is advertising for a phone company now. She is talking loudly on her cellphone, walking down the street, when she bumps into a stranger (really Adam's-apply-guy pretending to be a stranger) on the street. The "stranger" almost falls over, and in a fit of anger turns around when he regains his balance, and grabs the front of her grand-mbubu collar, bringing his face
close to her, and inquiring in no friendly terms what the meaning of this is. The ad then begins to show classic signs of belonging to the PWPMPWS pattern, as the woman starts to harp on about the good cellphone service she is getting, the unbeatable prices, etc. They are joined by a younger woman dressed in a black work suit, who mostly stands around and holds her jaw-bone whilst they speak, presumably in various stages of amazement. Finally they are all three smiling and laughing, in joyous reaction to the information the woman just gave them about the cellphone company. The woman goes back to the person she was talking to - who we discover now was all this while on hold - and bids her goodbye: we discover it was an International Call, and the woman could literally only afford to do this (i.e. leaving an international call on hold, which no one in real life ever does) because the cellphone company's rates are so cheap. All laugh, sing, dance. Ad ends.

A new ad: The same woman. Adam's apple guy. . Carry out ad in typical PWPMPWS fashion, perhaps deviating here and there for effect.

Repeat the above about twenty times.

By the end of the hour we feel the empty feeling you feel when you feel you are intimately familiar with someone without knowing a thing about them, not even their real name. We feel this about the Woman and, to a lesser extent, Adam's apple guy. We don't feel this about the jaw-clutching young woman - her passive participation in the ads leaves us strangely unmoved (which is in stark contrast to the mixed feelings - not altogether non-violent - we now harbor about the Woman and A's-a guy).


Hour 3: The public announcements service is on. The first section is about people. First a picture is shown, taking up the right part of the screen. The left part is then filled with text. The announcements about people fall under one of two categories: 1) Birthdays, 2) Obituaries/Charity. One way to distinguish between the two is the music that plays - for the former a "Happy Birthday to you" sang in Christmas Carol fashion, for the latter slower, sadder music: recitations from the Holy Quran if Muslim, church hymns if Christian. Another way to distinguish is that the first category includes more pictures of young people, the majority still probably in primary/high school, whilst the second is mainly made up of more adults and older people.

After the people section there is the public notices. There is one about a warning from the power company to people who still owe them money to pay up or get disconnected. There is another about an auction of used cars that took part in some race across some desert, for charity. A third calling people to a general meeting for something or the other. The background music is tinkling, Christmas-Carol-y in feel.

Afterwards a program schedule comes up, yellow text against a garish red patterned background, announcing "The News" as the next program item.


Hour 4: The lights go off just as the news starts. The lights come back on just as the news ends.


Hour 5: We turn off the TV, and sit down with our notes, wondering exactly what the past 4 hour's worth of programming would tell someone from outside about the country. Finally we go off exhausted to bed, and promptly fall into a nightmare starring the Woman, A's-a guy, and the most-likely-a-prefect kid.

Friday, April 11, 2008

The Cellphone Wars: Part 3

It was the middle of the dry season. The sun was hot, life was slow, and thrilling rumors were circulating in the Gambia about a new cellphone company. These rumors were made up of hushed, fragmentary words whispered in back rooms all over the country - words like: "brothers", and "blood feud", and "fight to the death". As the weeks progressed, the rumors started to get a little less amorphous, and even began to resemble certain facts in the real world: a certain building, made largely of glass, on Kairaba Avenue (situated about two minutes down from the Africell building); large truck-fuls of boxed equipment delivered to this building in broad daylight; page after page of job ads in the papers. The job ads gave a name to the company: Comium. The rumors gave a backstory: the founder of Africell - the rumors ran - had a brother with whom he had originally begun the venture. Once, they had been friends. Then they had fallen out, becoming involved in a bitter feud, and the second brother had split off from the first to form his own cellphone company. And, as he had left his brother, he had vowed to follow him into every country he went, forming a rival cellphone company and stealing the market from him. The rumors - as rumors tend to go - were not very clear about the reason for the feud. The company itself was remarkably tight-lipped about everything - except for the job ads there was no further communication from them to the general public.

Finally they launched - a glitzy media event attended by the President himself, and quite a number of other important persons. As usual, new features were promised, the network was lauded as the best ever in the country, customers were told they would be more satisfied than they ever had been. Within a month of opening, Comium had introduced free late night calls, running from 12am to 6am every day, between Comium subscribers. This was almost as big an event for teenagers* as the Gamcell free SMS had been - they bought comium lines in hordes, having three- and four-way chats that lasted all night. "What's your Comium?" suddenly became the hip teenage phrase. Whilst it certainly made Comium's SIM cards get bought, on closer examination it wasn't as big a coup as Gamcell's free SMS had been - most of these teenagers did not use their Comium lines as primary phone lines, only putting them in at night for the free calls, and removing them again the next morning to go back to their Gamcell and Africell lines, which were the lines they actually spent money on. Every night, Comium's network and resources were used by thousands of yakking teenagers, who did not buy credit**, or give anything back to Comium in exchange. Comium had not really been involved in as extensive a marketing campaign as Africell, at the start. But now it found itself having to compete for attention just as much as the other networks, in order to get paying customers.

And so the cellphone wars began in earnest. Both Gamcell and Africell started offering late-night phone calls for their customers. Gamcell offered a "friends list", which allowed you to call your friends for less, or even free. Comium started an MMS service, allowing you to send pictures and other media files to phones***. Africell put up even more billboards, and started a radio program where you could get a new SIM card simply by calling up and saying something cheesy about them. Gamcell took people on pilgrimages to Mecca and Rome, and gave out food during the Ramadan. Africell gave away a car. Comium started radio and TV programs, and gave away money and cars. Africell got a young, local singer to do all their jingles for them. Gamcell got a young, local singer to do all their jingles for them ("Nancy Nanz")****. Africell hired even more young models for their (incresingly-sophisticated) ads. Gamcell started hiring young models for their ads*****. Africell offered cars as prizes. Gamcell offered cars as prizes. Africell offered free international phone calls for a day******. Comium offered cars as prizes. Comium offered a million dalasis. After thinking about it for a bit, Africell offered ten million dalasis.

This is the current state of the cellphone market. In the end, one starts to feel that all this money spent on marketing could perhaps have been spent on, e.g., making the cellphone networks better, and more inter-operable******* and charging less for calls. This would not bring immediate returns on investment, like the endless marketing does - Gambians, like everyone else, like their shiny things and their instant gratification - but in the long run it would have far more of a positive impact on communications in the Gambia.

The other problem is that the country's cellphone market is simply too small to fully support three different cellphone networks. Not too be too melodramatic about it, but one will have to die, eventually. Which of the three that one will be is still entirely undecided, and will depend greatly on the decisions they make now, and how much of the market they capture.



* most adults won't stay up that late, given the responsibilities of the adult world, even for free phone calls

** Funnily enough, this was made possible by another Comium feature - you could own a line forever and not have to buy credit.

*** SMS only allowed you to send black and white pictures and text. MMS allowed full color - even snapshots taken on your phone a moment before. It - perhaps due to the lesser market penetration of Comium, and the fact that the majority of phones in the country are not MMS-capable - has not caught on as much as SMS has.

**** Nancy Nanz, unlike the Africell jingle-girl, went on to launch her own pop career, releasing an album and becoming a local celebrity.

***** Comium, right from the beginning, used foreign-looking models with too much make-up on their faces for their billboards, making it hard to identify with a Comium ad ("hmmm...there's something wrong with her face - I wonder what it is") as compared to, e.g., an Africell one ("hai! It's Musa Balajo d! Didn't know he did Africell ads") (the bracketed being the thoughts of someone looking first at a Comium ad, then an Africell one). This has started to change recently.


****** you had to go to Africell HQ, and stand in a long line with other people, grumbling about how the person currently hogging the line was rude and selfish to not give other people a chance

******* There is currently a Government body, PURA (the Public Utilities Regulation Authority) which forces the cellphone companies to play nice. Nice here meaning the thing you do when you passionately hate your little cousin, and get the greatest pleasure from hitting his pasty snot-face, but your Mum and Uncle are sitting there, so you smile (more a grimace really), and gently pat him on the back, all the while thinking what you'd like to do to him. It's still prohibitively expensive to make inter-network calls, and SMSes sent between networks are not even guaranteed to get there until like 24 hours later.

Tuesday, April 8, 2008

The Cellphone Wars: Part 2

Marketing in The Gambia can be roughly divided into two epochs: the pre-Africell period (also known as the "stick a few billboards on the Banjul-Serekunda highway, do a few spots before the one-o-clock news on rajo gambia, hope we get noticed" period), and the post-Africell ("keep throwing everything you have at the wall - some of it will invariably stick, and even if it doesn't you'll at least get noticed") one. When Africell first opened up shop, they had the unenviable position of having to dislodge a firmly established market leader, and convince thousands of users to switch phone lines (with all the headaches that a change of numbers entails*). They reacted in (what would soon come to be regarded as) typical Africell style: throw enough marketing resources at a problem, and it'll go away.

All businesses are set up with one goal in mind: to get you, the customer, to hand over your hard-earned cash to them, for assorted goods and/or services. Except for the most unsophisticated ones, all businesses try to hide this fact behind layer upon layer of fuzzy advertising wool, pretending that they in fact love you and are in fact, for your money's worth, going out of their way to provide you with far greater service than could be reasonably expected, really, and that none of their competitors would ever even think of providing you with (just in case you're thinking of switching). Before Africell, most Gambian companies didn't really try very hard to hide this "money flows one way" fact from their customers - some (usually the ones which had monopolies) even seemed to be purposely flaunting it, providing terrible customer service (the only reasonable explanation you could come up with for some of the things these companies got away with).

From the first, Africell were everywhere. As is evident in the first two paragraphs of this essay, they built a myth around themselves, doing everything so big and with so much class they turned everyone into gushing fans, and left no space to mention a certain other cellphone company. Orange started to rival green as the color you could see everywhere you went in the country. Models** (usually teenagers or young people) were hired and put into situations where they were happily using their mobile phones, gazing enraptured into the tiny backlit screens in varying states of bliss - these situations were photographed and plastered on billboards on all the major highways in the country (including the ones leading from the airport, an important lure for people coming into the country), and as ads in all the local newspapers. Every week a new feature came out, with corresponding billboards and ads in all local media (radio, TV, the papers). There were competitions, including the famous million-dalasi one, all held with much fanfare and much "for the first time in the Gambia"s. There was the "Face of Africell" media event on TV, probably the most watched Gambian television event since "Maria De Los Angeles" gripped the nation in its soap opera-tic claws every Tuesday night. Local causes were sponsored - from Nawetaan teams to youth associations. T-shirts were printed and given out free. Numerous competitions were held. Faster than it takes you to charge your mobile phone, Africell had created a convincing image of itself as the rich but kindly Uncle who came to your house bearing presents every week when you were a kid (even though, unbeknownst to you, this "Uncle" was actually the landowner, visiting to get weekly rent money from your Dad), and cast Gamcell as the crummy, dyspeptic Uncle with false teeth who was always giving you a cuff around the head, and then taking you into a headlock and not letting go until you started crying***.

Gamcell tried to retaliate in style, stepping up the number of ads they had on TV, half-heartedly putting up a few billboards, even coming up with new slogans for their services ("Yaay Boroom"****). They donated to a few causes, more for the spirit of the thing than anything - when it came right down to it, Africell's marketing machine was simply out of everyone else's league.

Had they started out equals, Africell would perhaps in the end have overtaken and eventually subsumed Gamcell. But Gamcell's early start and deep entrenchment from the beginning went well in its favor, and whilst the number of Africell subscribers grew***** every day, Gamcell's established customer base, who had gotten used to their numbers and saw no reason to switch (or else were deep-pocketed****** enough to get two phones). And so the two companies existed in a state of stalemate, both claiming a greater amount of subscribers than its competitor, both offering new services on average once every month, from talktime credit bonuses to answering machines which fielded calls whilst you were asleep.

In the thrilling final episode: A new cellphone company comes to town; The auctioning of the people's mobile phone service of choice; "hearts and minds"; the future


* Getting a new SIM card is the least of your worries, when you get a new line: you have to transfer all your old numbers over to the new one, not exactly as straightforward a procedure as you would think; then you have to inform everyone you have given the old number about the new one (the only way to do this being to call/SMS each and every single one of them your new number). It didn't help that right from the beginning cross-network (from Africell to Gamcell, and vice versa) calls were prohibitively expensive, and cross-network SMSes were simply impossible, so much so that switching from Africell to Gamcell, e.g., meant you also lost all your Gamcell buddies who didn't have Africell lines - they stopped calling you, and you them, because neither party could afford it, and friendship really isn't worth those kinds of prices.


** The Africell Model, like the Bond Girl, is a much coveted position, which explains why all those grins on all those model's faces on Africell billboards do not look fake in the usual fake-model-y-grin way.


*** this despite the fact that when it comes right down to it, notwithstanding what either company will tell you, to the average cellphone user (i.e. one who uses her cellphone to call, and send SMSes (i.e. 95% of cellphone users)) there really is no noticeable difference between the two services.


**** "Yaay Boroom" = "It's Yours"/"You are the owner". Compare this to Africell's slogan: "Jerejef" ("Thank You"). The former thrusting (forcing almost) itself into your lap, the latter simply and modestly acknowledging that you are the reason for its success, and smiling and thanking you for it, and then inviting you out to party.


***** Originally, with Gamcell, you had to register to get a SIM card, filling a form containing your details. Once Africell started treating the SIM card as a completely disposable object, of course, registration went straight out of the window - you could get a SIM card anywhere, anytime, for free even, if you wanted.

****** Deep-pocketed here referring both metaphorically to a high-enough purchasing power to maintain two phones at once, but also literally to the fact that you had to have deep pockets to carry around two phones, unless you wanted to keep them clenched at all times, eventually giving yourself a painful clawed-hand condition.

Monday, April 7, 2008

The Gambian Cellphone Wars: Part 1

In the beginning, there were no cellphones.

Back then, the only way to talk to someone was either on a land-phone, yelling at them through the fence that separated you (if you were neighbors), or walking - running if they owed you money - over to their house. (If they were mobile at this time then you were pretty much out of luck - you did this complicated thing where you first called their house, then their grandmother's house, then their best friend's, then their girlfriend's, each time just missing them, until you gave up and just went out on the streets to see if maybe you could meet them face to face). A few people had these little devices they strapped to their belts called "beepers", but these never truly caught on: they made annoying sounds, and had these tiny screens you had to peer into to read messages (they couldn't do audio - apart from the annoying beeping, that is) whilst holding the beeper at an awkward angle because it was strapped to your belt.

Then Gamcell came along, opening the first cellphone company in the country. The Nokia 3310 had just come out. Fat and unfashionably laughable by today's standards*, back then it was the height of chic, and dead proof that you were both rich and stylish. People who had one made sure they used it every chance they got in public, yelling loudly into it and gesticulating wildly with their free hand whilst those around them looked on in wonderment and awe.

Most technologies take a while to proliferate, down here. The computer, much lauded as it is with being the device which will bring development to the country, is only slowly being adapted, especially outside the urban areas (perhaps due to things like lack of a constant electricity supply, and cost). Ditto the Internet (you can't have the Internet everywhere without widespread adoption of computers). No such hurdles for the mobile phone, the brave little device that could, to leap over: within a year of its introduction almost everyone in the country had one**. You need two things to maintain a mobile phone*** service: the phone itself, with a sim card from the service provider; and talktime credit to be able to make calls (receiving calls is free). Sim cards and talktime credit were cheap enough that most people could afford them; the mobile phones themselves were a bit more expensive, with even the cheapest ones (the much-abused but patient 3310s) being out of the reach of Modou "typical Gambian salary earner" Njie. So the buying of mobile phones (as with everything else down here that is too expensive) got outsourced - relatives abroad suddenly began to be woken up in the middle of the night by messages on their answering machines, or SMSes on their phones, saying things like: "Hello Lamin I hope you are well I need mobile please buy me mobile". The thing to bring home when you came on holidays suddenly became a pack of mobile phones wrapped up in cellophane, one for each relative, and one for your mum. Most of these mobiles brought over were ones that had been bought (cheap) on service plans, and were locked to whatever service provider's network they had been bought from. In reaction, a hundred mobile-phone-unlocking shops sprang up: on the highway in Banjul, in deep, secret corners of Serekunda, on Westfield - everywhere you went there were signs. "We Unlock Mobile!!!". "Mobiles! Unlock! Here!". "All Your Mobiles". These shops ran a brisk trade, as thousands of (locked) phones got sent to the country in answer to all the requests. The answer to the question "What is your number?" stopped starting "2-2.." or "4-9-" or any of the other land-phone area codes, and became "9-...", for everyone. The time of the mobile had come.

Then Gamcell introduced SMS, free of charge, limited only by the number of messages your (aching) thumbs could type in a minute. The teenagers and youth took notice. Calls were still relatively expensive****, especially since this particular demographic was largely unemployed or still in school, but here was a fast and quick method of talking, equivalent almost to a call, yet with none of the disadvantages (you were, for example not required to reply when someone SMSed you; you had time to think carefully of each reply before you sent it; and - even more important - you did not have to pay for it). Phone SMS inboxes filled up and were erased and filled up again several times each day. Teenagers sent each other and archived "love" messages - cut out of popular songs and TV shows, and mixed and matched to "earnest teenage love" perfection*****. Chats [as SMS sessions were called] would span whole days, ending when one participant went to sleep, and starting right up again where you left off the next morning. In school mobile phones were hidden inside text- and note-books - as the boring teacher droned on and on about geography, you'd be having a chat about the club last night, and did you see what Amie was wearing, stopping every now and then to meet the teacher's eye and nod as he asked "Do you hunderstand?". Relationships and friendships were forged and broken, and re-forged, all by text. Girls no longer had to contend with jealous parents over the use of the phone line to talk to guys - now you could give your mobile phone number out, and talk (and SMS) as much as you wanted, with complete privacy. It sparked off a mini-revolution, in teenage interaction******. Teenagers lived in daily fear of Gamcell cutting off the free SMS service, and starting to charge for it - there were rumors everyday that this was about to happen, and fervent prayers that it wouldn't.

Meanwhile, in the adult world, mobile phone usage was still gradually increasing. Gamcell rested on its laurels - it had a monopoly, after all, and absolutely no competition; everyone loved it; cellphone lines were going to overtake land lines any day now - what had it to fear? Unbeknownst to it, competition was just around the corner. And when it came, it wouldn't be a tiny el-kart, chugging along behind Gamcell, picking up its remains. It would be a steam-roller, threatening to run over and crush it to the ground. Never again would it dominate the cellphone market as it had done in the early, glorious days. The Cellphone Wars were about to begin.

In the thrilling Next Episode: A new cellphone company; a threat to the King; "blood brothers? and how they fight!"; The advent of Total Marketing; Gamcell's Rallying Cry... and more...


*Like with every other lifestyle-affecting technology, there are various levels of snobbery involved in owning mobile phones in the Gambia. Nowadays to be seen with a 3310 - or, even worse, one of the large, almost-brick-size Ericson phones which predate it - is considered so uncool as to make you almost an outcast, both amongst teenagers (unsurprisingly) and adults (more surprisingly).


**For a while a Gamcell advertisement ran on GRTS showing both a fisherman and a salad-seller-woman at the market reaching for their phones to make calls to stem emergency supply problems. The point presumably being to show that even salad-seller-women and fishermen, generally considered by everyone to be embedded somewhere in the lower threads of the Gambian-society-as-knitted-fabric metaphor, could not only afford to possess these devices, but: a) could fill them up with enough talktime credits to solve their day-to-day problems without going bankrupt in the process, as people feared at first would be the major disadvantage of owning one of these, and b) could use them anywhere (the fisherman being in a boat at sea when he found he had to make the call).

***mobile phone = cellphone. Usually just shortened to "mobile", locally.

**** In this period, though you could receive calls for free, you still had to recharge your phone with talktime credits at least once every month, or your line would be disconnected, leading to a surge in D50 talktime credit sales (the lowest you could get) at the end of the month, when salaries got paid, and then a slump afterwards, as everyone went back to just receiving calls instead of making them.


***** "in d garden of paradise", one such message would run, "i walk lst nigt
and see all the trees. but ur tree was shinin brightest of all. i love u".

****** One day anthropologists are going to study the effect that growing up with constant access to communication by mobile phones had on Gambian society.